More than just a few Muslims have become conspicuous for waging transnational terror in the name of their religion, unlike people of other faiths.

Indeed, as the author Eli Berman correctly points out, radical groups have been part of many religions in the past centuries, including Christianity and Judaism. However, that doesn't preclude the following possibility: Islam, as evidenced in both past and present, may be more prone toward spawning terrorism, unlike other faiths.

A major weakness of this book is that it overlooks the above possibility. In other words, Eli Berman appears reluctant to explore why Islam is a breeding ground for terror.

On the flip side, the author has an original take on the roots of religion-based terror and how to address them. This book is an easy and interesting one to read.

As author of a new book on political Islam I am familiar with many facets of this complex issue.

Eli Berman chooses to focus on entrenched and localized terrorist groups in this book, as they pose a growing threat to our interests. One may contest this emphasis--as the Fort Hood shootings have brought to limelight the extraordinary threat posed by the difficult-to-detect self-radicalized individual terrorists. Also, for the most part, without the support of the states such as Saudi Arabia, Pakistan or Iran, terror entities discussed in his book, the Hamas, the Taliban or Hizbollah are unlikely to have become potent.

The state-sponsorship of radical groups exposes the inherent limitation in trying to cut off their funding.

The author points out that the Islamic extremist groups posing a threat to the West thrive on what he calls as "Hamas Model." In this model, radical Islamic organizations fill the vacuum left by dysfunctional states by developing social institutions and by serving people's day-to-day needs. This social role helps the organizations garner public support for their extremist political and religious agenda.

This observation leads to the following "solution" from Eli Berman: "[the] most important [approach to mitigating the threat], [is] helping allied governments compete with religious radicals in providing social services."

Indeed, the allied governments in Pakistan, the West Bank or Yemen could possibly be temporarily helped by the West to provide better social services than the local extremist organizations. But for a self-sustained program, the governments also have to improve infrastructure and develop the nations. In other words, these governments have to become functional. The author doesn't explain how to help transform dysfunctional nations.

Could it be that some attributes of the religion are responsible for creating dysfunctional Islamic states?

Here are some compelling statistics: despite oil wealth, in the Human Development Index (HDI) published each year by the United Nations--a comparative measure of life expectancy, literacy, education, and standards of living--of the 32 countries rated "high" in 2006, not one was a Muslim-majority country. However, of the 30 countries rated "low," 16 were Muslim countries.

One could justifiably argue that these attributes are in the form of lack of separation of church and state, focus on jihad and the enshrining of sharia (a regressive medieval Islamic custom) in various forms.

How Islam's attributes retard a nation become immensely clear in comparing the contrasting evolution of Pakistan and India.

These two South Asian nations were created from the same land mass in 1947. Besides the majority religions, they share culture, language, ethnicity, culinary habits. While India has a thriving economy, Pakistan has descended into becoming a fountainhead of terror and an economic basket case. This transformation of Pakistan coincides with it increasingly embracing policies which it saw to be in accordance with Islamic doctrines. For instance, religious indoctrination, including the emphasis on armed jihad, is part of the federally established education system in Pakistan. Unlike India, Pakistan failed to build quality institutions for higher learning--a must for development.

Data suggests that not only radical groups, even most, if not all Muslim-majority states themselves have become either dysfunctional or have developed radical agendas. This shows that there is an underlying religious ideology that has afflicted even governments, not just radical groups or individuals.

Even in functional non-Muslim majority nations known for providing competent social services, a Muslim minority community may still embrace radicalism and fall behind in every measure of progress.

This is the case with the Muslim community in Britain. The 7/7 attacks in Britain showed that the members of this community can execute mass killings through terror. It is notable that unlike their Muslim compatriots, non-Muslim transplants and their descendents from South Asia have achieved much progress in Britain. This again singles out Islam.

Even in America, where Muslim community is in general well-educated, there are increasing incidents of terror acts by self-radicalized Muslims.

In Kashmir, India has long worked to even subsidize the Muslim majority. Yet this has not stopped the Muslim populace from supporting Islamic radicals, who do not even provide social services there.

The author is correct in noting that many Islamic terrorists are not necessarily driven by religious considerations. However, Eli Berman has overlooked the fact that religion does play an indirect role in encouraging terror in just about all of these instances. Muslim clerics have a long history of using the pulpit to create anger and hatred in the minds of the followers against non-Muslims, by associating them with certain "injustices" perpetrated on Muslims. Reason: only by keeping their followers perpetually backward and in confrontation with non-Muslims, clerics can keep their powerbase in the modern era. The clerics derive their legitimacy through their knowledge of and association with religious scriptures.

We in the West can't help create functional governments in many Islamic nations unless we acknowledge that, ultimately, certain attributes of Islam are responsible for their present status. Nor can we help Muslim communities without first acknowledging the very influence for their retarded development and embrace of radicalism.

In my book I have discussed the correlation between attributes of Islam and dynamics of Muslim communities.

By overlooking Islam's nuances, Eli Berman, I am afraid, has created a scholarship that would be of limited help for those hoping to address the roots of radical Islamic terror.

Radical, Religious, and Violent by Eli Berman is a calm, reasoned, review of current terrorism. Read this book if you are interested in factual data to counterbalance editorials and the evening news.

This book looks at violence starting in the late 1500s (historical evidence) as well as hard data derived from recent (the last 50 or so years) to understand the current violence perpetrated by what we generally call terrorists.

It is well written and is an easy read. It is not a series of data points but references that data if you want to dig deeper (I did not). It is written for the average reader and no economic background is required. Eli Berman uses short stories (truck drivers with valuable cargo on a dangerous road) to explain the dilemmas they face which, in turn, give rise to decisions they make, which in turn relates to the current terrorism situation.

The book points out (and supports) how difficult the current situation is but it also provides supporting data for the one proven counteroffensive that has worked in the past. There is a way to end all this, but you will have to read to the book to find out. Personally, I am convinced he is right in his conclusion.

The fact this book uses hard data, first making assumptions and then supporting those assumptions by facts (essentially proving the conjecture) is what makes it so compelling. This book is an excellent counterbalance to the evening news or the sensationalism we so often hear. There are nasty things going on in the world but there is a reason for them and understanding that reason is crucial to stopping it. This book provides that counterbalance.

If you are interested in a fact-based understanding of the current rise in Islamic violence then read this book.
Even if you think you already know the reason for the current violence, buy this book. It is an eye opener and, I think, will change your opinion of the current situation no matter what you currently believe.

For me, this book removed some of the fear generated by terrorism. There is a reason for it, there are targets, there is a way out. It has become a "thing" to be approached as opposed to some difficult to define monster out to kill off the rest of the world.

Read this book.

Professor Berman advances knowledge of both terrorism and economics with this important book. He writes clearly, delivering powerful arguments. The book is beyond informative--it is interesting and a pleasure to read. This book will have an impact.

"Radical, Religious, and Violent" is on the ROROTOKO list of cutting-edge intellectual nonfiction. Professor Berman's book interview ran here as cover feature on December 14, 2009.

In a topic as complex as terrorism, Dr. Berman elucidates key observations and thought provoking points about the social complexities that confront the United States abroad. His book is filled with fluid examples that articulate the motivations of violent and extreme individuals and provides a foundation to more fully understand the events of our recent past. Radical, Religious and Violent can be understood by the ordinary reader as well as academia.