This book is a fact-packed but highly accessible must-read for those who wish to get a better understanding of the political turmoil throughout the history of modern Pakistan. In particular, this book emphasizes the current struggle with militant Islam and provides plenty of historical context to help Westerners better understand the struggle. A few things you can expect to learn from reading this book include the following:

* The ideological differences between several of the recent Pakistani leadership including General Musharraf, Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif.

* The history of the struggle with India for the Kashmir region.

* How General Zia radicalized the previously secular Pakistani military.

* The various major Islamic terrorist groups in Pakistan (e.g., LeT, HuT and JeM) and their ideological differences.

* The infamous General Hamid Gul, his role in training the Muhadijeen to combat the Soviets in the recent Soviet-Afghan war, his heading of Pakistan's Inter-Service Intelligence and his support of the Taliban and Osama Bin Laden.

* Pakistan's role in the 2001 U.S. invasion of Afghanistan.

* Abdul Qadeer Khan, the unscrupulous Pakistani scientist and his role in global nuclear proliferation to rogue nations such as Iran, Libya and North Korea.

This is a must read for anyone wanting to read about another significant facet of the war against Islamic terrorism.

I'm a USMC infantry / civil affairs officer who is anticipating a possible tour to Afghanistan as Iraq becomes less all encompassing. Given the importance of Pakistan to the Afghan fight / situation I'm working on building my understanding of the country and its militants. FRONTLINE PAKISTAN is a very readable, clearly laid out book which does a good job of laying out the role of militants in Pakistan, ISI's linkages and describing the various groups. A strong recommendation for someone looking for a good, practical book which is easy to understand and not overly academic. It remains very timely.

This is a first serious effort by someone to expose the ground realities in Pakistan. I was expecting it to be a dry book but was pleasantly surprised at the content - it was hard to put it down! Zahid Hussain has done an excellent job at presenting the facts (a lot of it) and still maintain the readers interest. He provides an excellent insight on the state of affairs in Pakistan since it's creation in 1947 - the nexus of Government and terrorist organizations, and Pakistan's efforts to keep alive the Kashmir issue per its own personal agenda.

Zahid Hussain touches on an important topic: Pakistan's ongoing and impending war with its own self and the tough choices ahead of President Musharraf.

The support from Public Opinion in Pakistan for terrorism as a tool to further beloved causes is worrying. The ease with which sundry pet agendas could be converted into beloved causes is twice worrying.

In order to contain global terrorism emanating from Pakistan or having a safe haven in Pakistan two things need to be done:

(a) Public opinion will have to undergo a change in Pakistan. Public opinion is useful only when it derives from the "wisdom of the crowd". This benefit would not arise unless opposing thoughts and beliefs can "co-exist peacefully". Good leaders "discredit" public opinion if it denies room for such peaceful co-existence. Mahtma Gandhi did. Bad leaders, on the other hand, whip up public opinioin to radically extreme positions using intolerance. Adolf Hitler did. Military rulers in Pakistan are guilty of whipping up public opinion to take a self righteous radical form that destroys opposing thoughts, reasons and emotions.

(b) Defending one's religion is one's right. Giving one's life for one's religion, one's country or one's society is a noble deed. This is true for Americans dying for the Flag and Muslims dying for their holy causes. However, immature leadership is quick to provide its pet agenda a higher purpose to merit the label of a "noble cause". In Pakistan this seems to be too easy. Military, whether in rule or not, has used religious leadership to provide the "emotional ammunition" to enlist support for every thing including a proxy fight against Soviet Union on behalf of USA, a proxy fight against the perceived foreign policy of USA, a proxy fight against one faction of freedom fighters in Afghanistan in favour of another, a proxy fight on behalf of Pakistan's army itself in various engagements in/with India.

As a result, the postal address for global terrorism is somewhere within Pakistan.

President Musharraf is now forced to:
(a) appear to the outside World to be firm in dealing with relgion based terrorism and
(b) appear to Pakistanis to not succumb to international pressure and to support the radical public opinion in Pakistan.

Quite a funambulation even for the skillful Musharraf. Musharraf does appear sincere in attempting to weed out terrorism; but does not appear sincere in having a go at modifying public opinion in Pakistan. His challenges in doing so cannot be underestimated.

Zahid Hussain is the Pakistani correspondent of The Times, The Wall Street Journal and Newsweek. His dispassionate insightful analysis of Pakistan's struggle with militant Islam is excellent. As with most books about Pakistan, there is excellent analysis of the present but no thought from anyone in Pakistan on how to solve the problem. The absence of an alternative thought or the unwillingness of such thought to express itself is hardly Zahid Hussain's fault.

This is an excellent book; well researched, well written, and a compelling read!

Author Zahid Hussain, Pakistani correspondent for the "Times of London", "The Wall Street Journal", and "Newsweek" exposes Pakistan's close ties with the Taleban and al Qaeda. Pakistan's Directorate of Inter-Service Intelligence (ISI) is literally the founder of the modern-day Taleban.

Having lost control of both al Qaeda and the Taleban, Pakistan, which is under the control of President Pervez Musharraf (who has pledged his full support to the United States in the War on Terror) is running out of time.

"Despite the backing of the army and America, Musharraf is living on borrowed time,' writes Hussain. "He has spawned a system that is a hybrid of military and civilian rule. It is not a democracy."

And here lies the problem: "The war against militancy Islamic extremism can be best fought - and won - in a liberal democracy. Musharraf's authoritarian rule has blocked any hopes of a democratic process taking root."

Yet the restoration of democracy in Pakistan is not an American priority, because a leader in uniform is perceived as being capable of delivering far more than one who is democractically elected. "An army general ruling Pakistan does not trouble the West, so long as he happens to be an effective ally in the war against terror," observes the author.

Musharraf and Pakistan have been an effective ally, killing and capturing hundreds of key Taleban and al Qaeda leaders and fighters.

But Musharraf's support for the US-led war on terror, his tactical cooperation with various militant groups, and his refusal to embed a culture of democracy and accountability have intensified social, ethnic and religious differences in Pakistani society.

"These are the faultlines from which a geo-political earthquake could at some point erupt," warns Hussain, "an earthquake which would make the current reegional security situation look positively calm by comparison. Pakistan's battle with itself is far from over."

Let us hope someone with the intelligence, ability and authority to make the right things happen is listening to Hussain's warning.

This is an excellent book; well researched, well written, and a compelling read!

Author Zahid Hussain, Pakistani coorespondent for the "Times of London", "The Wall Street Journal", and "Newsweek" exposes Pakistan's close ties with the Taleban and al Qaeda. Indeed, Pakistan's intelligence services were practically the founders of the Taleban.

But having lost control of both organizations, Pakistan, which is under the control of a President that has pledged his full support to the United States in the War on Terror (General Pervez Musharraf), is running out of time.

"Despite the backing of the army and America, Musharraf is living on borrowed time,' writes Hussain. "He has spawned a system that is a hybrid of military and civilian rule. It is not a democracy."

And here lies the problem: "The war against militancy Islamic extremism can be best fought - and won - in a liberal democracy. Musharraf's authoritarian rule has blocked any hopes of a democratic process taking root."

Yet the restoration of democracy in Pakistan is not an American priority, because a leader in uniform is perceived as being capable of delivering far more than one who is democractically elected. "An army general ruling Pakistan does not trouble the West, so long as he happens to be an effective ally in the war against terror," observes the author.

And Musharraf and Pakistan have been an effective ally, killing and capturing hundreds of key Taleban and al Qaeda leaders and fighters.

But Musharraf's support for the US-led war on terror, his tactical cooperation with various militant groups, and his refusal to embed a culture of democracy and accountability have intensified social, ethnic and religious differences in Pakistani society.

"These are the faultlines from which a geo-political earthquake could at some point erupt," warns Hussain, "an earthquake which would make the current reegional security situation look positively calm by comparison. Pakistan's battle with itself is far from over."

Let us hope someone with the intelligence, ability and authority to make the right things happen is listening to Hussain's warning.