Strobe Talbott, author of Engaging India: Diplomacy, Democracy, and The Bomb, is concerned about India's access to nuclear technology and its implications for world peace.

In his book, Talbott looks at recent nuclear dealing between the U.S. and India and America's parallel negotiations with India and Pakistan. Talbott certainly has the expertise to tackle these issues as president of the Brookings : Institute and as former U.S. Deputy Secretary of State under President Clinton.

Engaging India is a fascinating account of the author's 14 meetings with Indian External Affairs Minister Jaswant Singh dealing with India's nuclear ambitions. The book also traces the history of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty and its impact on the Cold War.

Talbott believes his talks with Singh can serve as the basis for achieving an improvement in America's relations with India. In tracing the history of relations between India and Pakistan, Talbott reveals the challenge America faces in maintaining positive relations with both nations.

Written like a novel, Engaging India is an enjoyable introduction to how one might negotiate with Indians respectfully.


By Gunjan Bagla
Author of Doing Business in 21st Century India

A senior scientist, who later on went on to become president of India, once praised the author for having established the diplomatic equivalent of "impedance matching", loosely defined as "the practice of attempting to make the output impedance of a source equal to the input impedance of the load to which it is ultimately connected, usually in order to maximise the power transfer and minimise reflections from the load", while "impedance, measured in ohms, is the vector sum of the resistance and the reactance."



I am not sure that this definition aptly describes the US-Indian strategic dialogue that Strobe Talbott and his Indian counterpart Jaswant Singh conducted during the two years and a half that followed the atomic test of May 11, 1998. Arguably, the author's own characterization of this dialogue as a kind of engagement, implying both conciliation and contest, provides a better description of what happened during those repeated interactions conducted on behalf of two governments grappling with geopolitical challenges.



The goals pursued by Washington in the negotiation were spelled out very early in the process and drew additional strength from their endorsement by the UN security council. First on the list of steps the US wanted India to take was its signature on the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and its promise never to test a nuclear device again. Second was Indian cooperation in negotiating a treaty that would end the production of fissile material (weapons-grade plutonium and highly enriched uranium). Another condition was to refrain from putting nuclear warheads on their missiles or bombers and to exercise "strategic restraint" in the deployment of ballistic missiles. The fourth benchmark was not to export equipment, materials, or technology that could help other countries acquire nuclear weapons or ballistic missiles on their own. A fifth step called on India and Pakistan to resume dialogue to address the root causes of tension between them, including Kashmir.



Engaging India blends three different stories. The first is a behind-the-scenes narrative of a diplomatic negotiation between two individuals who came from very different backgrounds but came to respect, trust and appreciate each other. Although Jaswant Singh, a diplomat soldier hailing from Rajasthan, was soon elevated to the position of minister for external affairs and thus outranked the deputy secretary of state, the dialogue continued as before without much consideration for protocol. The fact that Strobe Talbott was known as an old friend of Bill Clinton and was rumored to have direct access to the President added some mystique to the negotiation that he conducted intermittingly during two years, among other demanding assignments. Certainly the officials from Pakistan, with whom he conducted a parallel discussion process, did not enjoy the same latitude from their prime minister, who himself lived under a constant threat of a military coup (he was ultimately overthrown by general Pervez Musharraf in October 1999).



The second story records the main events that affected the US-Indian relationship, starting with the nuclear test at Pokhran and culminating with President Clinton's visit to India in March 2000. The Indians conducted their test knowing that it would provoke American castigation but also hoping that it might force the United States to pay them serious, sustained, and respectful attention of a kind they felt they had never received before. In a way they were right: although America's approach to the subcontinent has historically been marked by a 'tilt' toward Pakistan, Washington came to recognize India as a strategic partner in its own right or, to use the diplomats' lingo, as "a major regional power with the potential of becoming a global one as well". Certainly Clinton's visit to New Delhi, the first by an American president in twenty-two years, provided a high mark in this process. His speech before the Supreme Legislature, quoted extensively by the author, is indeed a piece of anthology.



On a third level, Talbott's memoir constitutes a "Passage to India" which, as Walt Whitman noted, is always a "Passage to more than India". Through his engagement with one government official, we have a glimpse to the functioning of a nation that takes pride in its independence and the ancientness of its civilization. Gods are never far from the picture: India's medium-range missile Agni is named for the Hindu god of fire, and a scientist who saw the desert rise after the Pokhran nuclear test remarked, "I can now believe stories of Lord Krishna lifting a hill." In this, he was only echoing Robert Oppenheimer's expression of awe when, witnessing the world's first successful test of an atomic bomb in New Mexico, he recalled a line from the Bhagavad-Gita in which the warrior Arjuna had a vision of a thousand suns raised by Krishna to lead him into battle.

A senior scientist, who later on went on to become president of India, once praised the author for having established the diplomatic equivalent of "impedance matching", loosely defined as "the practice of attempting to make the output impedance of a source equal to the input impedance of the load to which it is ultimately connected, usually in order to maximise the power transfer and minimise reflections from the load", while "impedance, measured in ohms, is the vector sum of the resistance and the reactance."

I am not sure that this definition aptly describes the US-Indian strategic dialogue that Strobe Talbott and his Indian counterpart Jaswant Singh conducted during the two years and a half that followed the atomic test of May 11, 1998. Arguably, the author's own characterization of this dialogue as a kind of engagement, implying both conciliation and contest, provides a better description of what happened during those repeated interactions conducted on behalf of two governments grappling with geopolitical challenges.

The goals pursued by Washington in the negotiation were spelled out very early in the process and drew additional strength from their endorsement by the UN security council. First on the list of steps the US wanted India to take was its signature on the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty and its promise never to test a nuclear device again. Second was Indian cooperation in negotiating a treaty that would end the production of fissile material (weapons-grade plutonium and highly enriched uranium). Another condition was to refrain from putting nuclear warheads on their missiles or bombers and to exercise "strategic restraint" in the deployment of ballistic missiles. The fourth benchmark was not to export equipment, materials, or technology that could help other countries acquire nuclear weapons or ballistic missiles on their own. A fifth step called on India and Pakistan to resume dialogue to address the root causes of tension between them, including Kashmir.

Engaging India blends three different stories. The first is a behind-the-scenes narrative of a diplomatic negotiation between two individuals who came from very different backgrounds but came to respect, trust and appreciate each other. Although Jaswant Singh, a diplomat soldier hailing from Rajasthan, was soon elevated to the position of minister for external affairs and thus outranked the deputy secretary of state, the dialogue continued as before without much consideration for protocol. The fact that Strobe Talbott was known as an old friend of Bill Clinton and was rumored to have direct access to the President added some mystique to the negotiation that he conducted intermittingly during two years, among other demanding assignments. Certainly the officials from Pakistan, with whom he conducted a parallel discussion process, did not enjoy the same latitude from their prime minister, who himself lived under a constant threat of a military coup (he was ultimately overthrown by general Pervez Musharraf in October 1999).

The second story records the main events that affected the US-Indian relationship, starting with the nuclear test at Pokhran and culminating with President Clinton's visit to India in March 2000. The Indians conducted their test knowing that it would provoke American castigation but also hoping that it might force the United States to pay them serious, sustained, and respectful attention of a kind they felt they had never received before. In a way they were right: although America's approach to the subcontinent has historically been marked by a 'tilt' toward Pakistan, Washington came to recognize India as a strategic partner in its own right or, to use the diplomats' lingo, as "a major regional power with the potential of becoming a global one as well". Certainly Clinton's visit to New Delhi, the first by an American president in twenty-two years, provided a high mark in this process. His speech before the Supreme Legislature, quoted extensively by the author, is indeed a piece of anthology.

On a third level, Talbott's memoir constitutes a "Passage to India" which, as Walt Whitman noted, is always a "Passage to more than India". Through his engagement with one government official, we have a glimpse to the functioning of a nation that takes pride in its independence and the ancientness of its civilization. Gods are never far from the picture: India's medium-range missile Agni is named for the Hindu god of fire, and a scientist who saw the desert rise after the Pokhran nuclear test remarked, "I can now believe stories of Lord Krishna lifting a hill." In this, he was only echoing Robert Oppenheimer's expression of awe when, witnessing the world's first successful test of an atomic bomb in New Mexico, he recalled a line from the Bhagavad-Gita in which the warrior Arjuna had a vision of a thousand suns raised by Krishna to lead him into battle.

Before I talk about this book, I have to introduce Strobe Talbott was the Deputy Secretary of State during the term of President Clinton and a person who played a major role in communications with India and Pakistan after its nuclear testing on May 11, 1998. If you are interested in knowing the politics behind what happened in the ensuing drama between India, Pakistan and the United States, you may want to purchase this book. As for me, my roomate had this one in his collection.

The book is more about his negotiations with Jaswant Singh from the Indian site on issues such as curbing the building of nuclear missiles. He goes on to explain the reasons (as deemed from Jaswant Singh) as to why India wanted the attention of the United States and this leads back all the way to the USSR and USA cold war, US siding with Pakistan and India leaning towards USSR and a lot more. He talks about how India and Pakistan are totally different even though they are democracies, with more focus on Pakistan as being the unstable democracy. There are some very anxious moments in this book that may never come out in your local or international newspapers like one of the Pakistani representative lunging at the US rep's throat at a meeting. The main highlights in this book are India's procrastination in signing the CTBT and their urge to be considered as part of the NPT.

Strobe quickly touches other events that rendered breakdown in communications such as the Kargil issues, Musharraf taking over Pakistan presidency, US problems in the Balkans, etc. The book ends with a conclusion that during these tough times, the United States under President Clinton gave India (more than Pakistan) the attention they needed which went a long way with the Indian Parliament who believed that it was the other way around. There was a strengthing of relations both commerical and political. He also believes that the President that came afterwards was keen on starting over from scratch and not taking over from where the past government had laid ground - exceptions being Colin Powell.

Strobe has put a lot of effort in going through the details of his meetings with Indian and Pakistani counterparts. He has also delved into his task of reaching a consensus with both India and Pakistan with regard to nuclear proliferation. During the course of the book he has reflected and differentiated the reasons, views and future vision on both sides of the democracy. I believe Strobe has to be a member of the Democratic party, specially for his lauding of President Clinton on various issues or maybe its just me. Overall, I think it is a must read if you like / starting to like real political dramas.

Overall, this was an excellent book. I thought I would read more about India's internal affairs and the dynamics of its rise on the world stage. With that being said, it was an excellent look into the world of United States diplomacy, for better and for worse.

Strobe Talbott has written a powerful account of the events that unfolded after India's shock atomic tests. The book is special in that it is not simply political accounting, but rather a personal diary on Strobe's dealings with India and Pakistan. He does not hide the personal friendship that developed between him and an Indian named Jaswant Singh (then the Minister of External Affairs) as they fought to understand each other. Honest and deliberate, the book provides a refreshing look at the mechanics of the Indian bomb program, democracy and the personal battles on both sides that ushered in the current golden age of Indo-American relations.

Apart from the tales of diplomacy, the book also provides a frightening account of how close South Asia's rivals were to nuclear holocaust on two separate occasions. Strobe paints a picture of stark contrast in his dealings with the Indians and Pakistanis. Two nations that for better or for worse were locked in a deadly nuclear embrace.

An extremely well written narrative on behind the scene dealings between India and the United States after the Pokhran tests.

My respect for the Indian poltical class has increased after reading this. The incorruptible ones are operatiing under unimaginable constraints and are trying to get something good done even under those constraints keeping in mind strategic needs.

I think, the book also serves as a harbinger for the future of India US relations, which have publicly taken a favourale turn after the Indo-US nuclear deal.

The most redeeming quality of this title is its readability. Talbott is able to convey all the drama and excitment of life in international politics.

That said, this certainly isn't a title which will help you get a complete understanding of India, Pakistan and nuclear weapons. I read this book to supplement required reading for a course on War in South Asia and it greatly helped in terms of reinforcing key events and players.

I reccomend this to those who already have a reasonable understanding of the situation in South Asia and want a bit of light reading and would like to see the soap opera aspect of the affair.