This was a gift and so I can't comment on the book. Delivery, however, was typical Amazon speedy!

If journalism is the first draft of history, telling us generally what has happened, the second draft should be able to tell us more specifically what made it happen and why. Barton Gellman "Angler" is outstanding in this sense, describing in detail how and why the tumultuous last eight years were to such a large extent the product of something never before seen in America, a Presidency weakened by the President's choice to delegate his authority to his Vice President.

Many readers will find it odd that the matter is put this way. Gellman makes clear Cheney's deeply held belief in the primacy of Presidential power in the American system, and his determination to assert that primacy over competing claims from the Congress, the judiciary, and the Cabinet departments. Yet what Gellman illustrates for the first time is how Cheney's belief could not have been implemented had he served under any other President in our history. Bush ceded to Cheney authority to review every paper Bush saw while allowing Cheney to keep his own office's paperwork secret; it was Cheney's legal counsel, David Addington, not Bush's lawyers or his Justice Department, who directed the legal response to terrorism after 9/11; Cabinet departments who had gone directly to the President to resolve major differences over policy and budget in other administrations had to work these out with Cheney during Bush's. The strongest claims to expansive Presidential authority by any administration in our history were made on behalf of a President so weak that he allowed the one subordinate he could not fire to exercise Presidential powers without his knowledge.

It's an astonishing tail, testimony not only to George W. Bush's unfitness for high public office but to the badly degraded checks and balances that have long kept excessive concentrations of power in Washington at bay. You won't find names like Obama, Biden, Clinton or Kerry in "Angler"; John McCain only has a bit part. The media is easily manipulated, and only in Bush's second term -- particularly with the departure from the Defense Department of Cheney's former boss Donald Rumsfeld -- do several major foreign policy decisions get made in defiance of Cheney's wishes.

There will be other histories written of the Bush administration. None will be complete without reference to this book.

All I can say is that I'm glad I read this book post the November 4 election rather than before, because this story sent chills up my spine. We all knew that the last eight years was more of a Dick Cheney presidency than that of George Bush, but reading about Cheney's careful and methodical approach to taking us down the darkest of rat holes is truly horrifying. Now knowing how deep in the grip we've been in the hands of a madman surrounded by other madmen it's not surprising that America has lost its way so terribly. Several times I wanted to put this book down but couldn't, because like driving by a car wreck, you can't help but wonder what could have gone so wrong. Hopefully, everyone selected for the incoming Obama administration will read this since it accurately portrays a perfect morality tale of what happens when unchecked power is unleashed in the White House.

Clearly written, chilling, sadly instructive.

This is brilliantly written, gripping, horrifying, impossible to put down. Gellman's got 70 pages of source notes, and talks to or quotes the major players, which makes his research credible, and he sticks to the facts. Jim Comey is now my personal hero. Read this book!

The best book of 2008, none I've read thus far even compare. Angler is an incredibly illuminating book into the most unique vice presidency in American history. I would also argue, after having read about a dozen books on President Bush and his Administration; that you cannot truly understand the failures of the Bush Administration and the woeful performance of the GOP in the past eight years without having read this book.

My perspective is one that had me voting for Bush in 2000, primarily in hopes that a Republican president and Republican-majority Congress would lead to authentic tax reform as proposed by most economists of that time if one wanted to sincerely optimize economic growth (i.e., a national sales consumption tax that supplanted all other federal income and wealth taxes based on a 1997 study). While I was aware that Bush was not the most competent person to be running for the job, his nominating Dick Cheney as his running mate pulled me over to supporting and voting for Bush in 2000 (though certainly not in 2004). The Dick Cheney known by his friends and even his opponents was one of intelligence, competence, patriotism, analytic skills, institutional knowledge of the Executive Branch without peer, and judgment.

This perception, shared by many both inside and outside the party, including Democratic colleagues, begs the question in retrospect: How could such a competent VP who had the ear of the President lead to such incompetent results?

Gellman shows his mastery of many topics in providing the answers and he does provide the answers. Gellman's findings are stunning given the opaqueness of the Bush presidency. Gellman was provided access to enough of the players and coupled with his functional expertise in understanding constitutional law and the machinations of the Executive Branch, provides a thorough account of several initiatives that Cheney decides to engage. The book is not a complete biography of the Cheney vice presidency, but instead an analysis of his performance by studying several key areas, such as his transforming intelligence activities post-9/11, fighting to increase the power of the Executive Branch while avoiding the checks of Congress and the SCOTUS, getting Bush reelected in 2004 by pushing for unsound economic policy that is partly the reason this recession will be deeper and longer than need be, to becoming a culture warrior in the war against science to promote certain business interests, and more.

There are no bad chapters, in fact each chapter is a masterpiece of reporting. Each is rife with explosive revelations:
from the process to win the nomination without being vetted,
to staffing allies in certain positions beyond the office of the Vice Presidency that allowed him to virtually control the content of their respective department's work in his areas of interest,
to how Cheney circumvented the law, the constitution, and its ideals,
to insuring an extremely lazy Bush was presented with only those arguments Cheney wanted him to hear,
to developing policy where his fingerprints were missing even to Bush,
to whether Cheney's efforts were in good faith or a result of cronyism or corruption;
Gellman's reporting is done within a proper context, with excellent sources, and in a writing style that reads like a thriller.

The only critique I have is a small one and mostly irrelevant for most readers of this sort of book. Gellman doesn't cover any ground on the ramifications of Cheney's policy execution. For example, while the story of Cheney authorizing the use of torture, including against people who were innocent, is excellently sourced, reported, and framed within the context of both American law and our founding ideals, it's a mere abstract rendering of results. Nowhere does Gellman report on how Cheney's policy affected real people, from those in the military that actually tortured people, to those people who are innocent of any wrongdoing that were tortured and some even tortured to death. This could cause the less-informed reader to not take Cheney's violations of our law as seriously as I believe they deserve (criminal investigations are warranted). For those readers who don't have that perspective, I also suggest the book, The Dark Side: The Inside Story of How The War on Terror Turned into a War on American Ideals and/or the DVD documentary, Taxi To the Dark Side, or the online documentary found at TorturingDemocracyDOTorg, all of which chronicles the harm done to both torturer and the torturer while harming, not helping, American interests.

Does the book answer the questions I previously posed? Yes, without qualification I can now present a one paragraph response to how an Administration staffed with such a competent individual and delegated so much power ultimately failed so badly America will suffer its ramifications for generations.

The best book of 2008, none I've read thus far even compare. Angler is an incredibly illuminating book into the most unique vice presidency in American history. I would also argue, after having read about a dozen books on President Bush and his Administration; that you cannot truly understand the failures of the Bush Administration and the woeful performance of the GOP in the past eight years without having read this book.

My perspective is one that had me voting for Bush in 2000, primarily in hopes that a Republican president and Republican-majority Congress would lead to authentic tax reform as proposed by most economists of that time if one wanted to sincerely optimize economic growth (i.e., a national sales consumption tax that supplanted all other federal income and wealth taxes based on a 1997 study). While I was aware that Bush was not the most competent person to be running for the job, his nominating Dick Cheney as his running mate pulled me over to supporting and voting for Bush in 2000 (though certainly not in 2004). The Dick Cheney known by his friends and even his opponents was one of intelligence, competence, patriotism, analytic skills, institutional knowledge of the Executive Branch without peer, and judgment.

This perception, shared by many both inside and outside the party, including Democratic colleagues, begs the question in retrospect: How could such a competent VP who had the ear of the President lead to such incompetent results?

Gellman shows his mastery of many topics in providing the answers and he does provide the answers. Gellman's findings are stunning given the opaqueness of the Bush presidency. Gellman was provided access to enough of the players and coupled with his functional expertise in understanding constitutional law and the machinations of the Executive Branch, provides a thorough account of several initiatives that Cheney decides to engage. The book is not a complete biography of the Cheney vice presidency, but instead an analysis of his performance by studying several key areas, such as his transforming intelligence activities post-9/11, fighting to increase the power of the Executive Branch while avoiding the checks of Congress and the SCOTUS, getting Bush reelected in 2004 by pushing for unsound economic policy that is partly the reason this recession will be deeper and longer than need be, to becoming a culture warrior in the war against science to promote certain business interests, and more.

There are no bad chapters, in fact each chapter is a masterpiece of reporting. Each is rife with explosive revelations:
from the process to win the nomination without being vetted,
to staffing allies in certain positions beyond the office of the Vice Presidency that allowed him to virtually control the content of their respective department's work in his areas of interest,
to how Cheney circumvented the law, the constitution, and its ideals,
to insuring an extremely lazy Bush was presented with only those arguments Cheney wanted him to hear,
to developing policy where his fingerprints were missing even to Bush,
to whether Cheney's efforts were in good faith or a result of cronyism or corruption;
Gellman's reporting is done within a proper context, with excellent sources, and in a writing style that reads like a thriller.

The only critique I have is a small one and mostly irrelevant for most readers of this sort of book. Gellman doesn't cover any ground on the ramifications of Cheney's policy execution. For example, while the story of Cheney implementing our torturing people we captured, some of whom were innocent, is excellently sourced, reported, and framed within the context of both American law and our founding ideals, it's an abstract rendering of results. Nowhere does Gellman report on how Cheney's policy affected real people, from those in the military that actually tortured people, to those people who are innocent of any wrongdoing that were tortured and some even tortured to death. This could cause the less-informed reader to not take Cheney's violations of our law as seriously as I believe they deserve (criminal investigations are warranted). For those readers who don't have that perspective, I also suggest the book, The Dark Side: The Inside Story of How The War on Terror Turned into a War on American Ideals and/or the DVD documentary, Taxi To the Dark Side, which chronicles the harm done to both torturer and the torturer while harming, not helping, American interests.

Does the book answer the questions I previously posed? Yes, without qualification I can now present a one paragraph response to how an Administration staffed with such a competent individual and delegated so much power ultimately failed so badly America will suffer its ramifications for generations.

I have read these other reviews and they see this book as being far more scathing than I do. Perhaps my loathing of Cheney raised my expectations.

The book is a very long, somehwat dry argument for the idea that Cheney was the true "evil-doer" in the Bush administration, and that Bush himself was merely an inconvient fool. It's all vaguely reminiscent of any 70's sit com where the guy in charge is an idiot who has to be "managed" but who occasionally suspects he's being manipulated and must be appeased. McLean Stevenson's character on Mash, the governor in Benson, Ted Baxter in Mary Tyler Moore. Cheney is a silent man who nevertheless is characterized as having immoveable opinions and limitless conviction in his own righteousness.

Familiar stories are recounted: how he appointed himself as VP, how he behaved during the 9/11 travesty, the Justice department meltdown, torture,etc.

There is nothing new here.

It may be necessary for this administration to be removed from the White House before truth will eventually leak out. Until now, none of the books I have seen provide any new insights or any clearer understanding than I could get from simply reading newspapers.

Be patient. It'll all come out. But I'd suggest holding off on buying these books in the meantime. They are sadly unsatisfying.

We have read all the exposés of the Bush Years. This is the best and the most terrifying.

This book is one of the first of its kind to profile Richard Cheney, although not the only one (Rise Of The Vulcans: The History of Bush's War Cabinet). Certainly Cheney deserves a biography and the question about his role in the Bush White House, the perception that he had a great deal of power and how he may have used that power is important. Cheney has been potrayed by some voices as a sort of svengali, lurking behind the throne and whispering in the presidents ear, akin to something out of Lord of the Rings.

This book takes the view that although Cheney may not be a character from a movie, he is nevertheless a nefarious and overly powerful person who influenced every aspect of the Bush administration. This is an interesting view. It blames Cheney for failure in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, Iraq, North Korea, Iran, and then accuses him of even orchestrating supreme court nominations, foreign policy, environmental policies and other things.

but can this truily be beleived. Did Cheney and his 'men' such as Libby, really run the U.S government for 8 years? What about the other men involved, such as Condi and Rumsfeld? Didn't they speak out? And what of Bush himself? The end result of this book is that it creates s scapegoat on which all things are thrown. But this doesn't seem entirely right. There were other people invovled. There is no doubt that Cheney was influential and authority was delegated to him, but to blame him for every in an out gives him too much credit and it seems would have required a 24 hour work day from a man whose heart was already in bad shape. How did he shoulder the workaday burden?

There are certainly unanswered questions and this book does not do justice to solving them all.

Seth J. Frantzman

This is a chilling view of a meglomaniac. After taking the book out of the library, I decided it is well worth buying, reading and passing it along to others

This book chronicles the means and methods that Dick Cheney has used in order to become far more than just a vice president in the Bush Administration. The material presented here is probably only a small selection of what has actually happened behind the scenes. If the well-known wall of secrecy behind which Mr. Cheney has operated were torn down, there would probably be much more to examine. As it is, the author has relied upon a number of interviews, some of them from anonymous sources, and many of them from associates the author says took substantial risks. After reading no further than the first chapter concerning Governor Frank Keating, the reader can get an idea of what is meant by substantial risks.

Beside the amazement and then outrage at the way Cheney has managed to control just about every major policy issue of George W. Bush's presidency, the reader can come away with clues as to what is driving this man. The author makes a case that he is not motivated by enrichment, regardless of the way Halliburton has been favored. It's much more a matter of principle and a kind of dogged determination to view the world in a certain way. By Cheney's view, if the choice is to be between the carrot and the stick, he would choose the stick. So, in foreign policy it is a mistake to reward one's enemy in advance because it only encourages aggression. Strength is what matters most in this contentious world and it is only in a strong "unitary executive" that the interests of the United States can best be served. Being tough in this way means that there is no acknowledgement of a mistake: that would be weakness. Never mind that a disaster has been created in a place like Iraq, just continue to tough it out.

From what the author relates, the obvious conclusion is that Cheney virtually ran the government during Bush's first term. As head of the search committee, he basically chose himself as Bush's vice presidential running mate; and then hit the ground running by heading the transition team that chose cabinet officers. Once the term started, he went to work rolling back the touchy-feely stuff - the "compassionate conservatism" - of the Republican campaign. He confronted Christine Whitman at the EPA when she wanted to do something about global warming. He went about setting energy policy by establishing an exclusive task force of industry representatives that decided policy in strict secrecy. He threw out the window concerns about fiscal responsibility ("deficits don't matter") and adopted a strict supply side model. It would seem as if he hijacked Bush's agenda. But by running as an outsider, George W. Bush knew very little about the workings of Washington and had no inclination or ability to master the details of the job. He allowed the vice-president to conduct unprecedented meetings, take the lead on headline issues, and control the flow of information.

Even more Cheney than Cheney has been David Addington, Cheney's long-time legal counsel. After 9/11, it is clearly the case that Addington became the legal authority in the Bush Administration. For a time, he and Cheney basically controlled the Justice Department and were able to get the president to sign off on their own radical agenda of disregarding the Geneva Conventions and extracting information from detainees by "enhanced interrogation methods". They expanded the surveillance program to go well beyond just foreign snooping; that is, they set up a program without going to Congress to data mine reams of domestic correspondence captured by the phone companies.

Things only began to change after Jack Goldsmith became head of the OLC at the Justice Department and started asserting himself against Addington. The centerpiece of the book is the astounding story of how Jim Comey, Goldsmith, FBI director Mueller and several others all threatened to resign over the domestic surveillance program. Only at that point did Bush realize that his presidency was in grave danger.

This impressively researched book was remarkably even handed. While there is little in this biography to lend insight into Dick Cheney on anything like a personal level, his intelligence and cunning unfold before your very eyes. The insights the book gives into President Bush are worth the price of admission on their own. Bush is not shown to be an unintelligent pawn of Cheney's,as might be expected. Gelman describes the result of the perfect storm of Bush's distaste for detail and Cheney's passion for it. It is a compelling read. Gelman, it often appears, was an invisible observor at many behind the scenes high level meetings.

Excellent book that gives deep insight into the abomination that was the Cheney Vice Presidency. A must-read for anyone who gives a rat's butt about this country.

While much attention has been paid the dirty tricks of Karl Rove, it took a lot more initiative to trace the pernicious influence of Dick Cheney since the Supreme Court made him vice president in 2000. Washington Post reporter Bart Gellman took that initiative, and in Angler he makes the case that Watergate isn't really over, that in Dick Cheney and his mentor Donald Rumsfeld, the drive toward the imperial presidency is well and alive; it was temporarily forced underground.

Gellman, I'm happy to say, does not speak in such grand generalities as I do. He carefully documents the agenda that Cheney took with him to the vice presidency and how he deliberately and meticulously railroaded the inclinations of a lazy and careless President George W. Bush to make that man a tool of his agenda and one of the most ruthlessly powerful presidents in history. We still don't know the death toll.

Gellman lays to rest any suspicions that Cheney did this for financial gain. In Cheney's case, it's power and its exercise for its own value that drives the man, and he's self-righteous about any suggestions that he's profited monetarily from his pro-war, anti-environmental, free market positions. In my opinion, it hardly matters, but I'm less analytical than Gellman whose reporting and writing are at the same time thorough and engaging.

After the dust settles on the 2008 election, we would be wise to revisit this book, which makes it absolutely clear that the office of vice president has become potentially far more powerful than the Constitution intended in the right (or wrong) person's hands and that failing to address Cheney's power grab was one of the Democrats' worst mistakes. I won't sleep entirely easy until both Cheneys (How Dick's wife,Lynn, got into the Capitol bunker on 9/11 Gellman doesn't say.) are out of Washington.

I found this book to be a very informative read. Prior to purchasing this book I had heard very little of the inner workings of the Cheney Vice-Presidency. Many of the stories retold in the book lead to a deeply disturbing look at how one man gained so much power with so little accountability to the people who sent him there. A true must read for anyone interested in the executive branch and its history. It would have been nice to hear more for the central players themselves (Cheney and Addington) but I can see why they would be reluctant to talk.

While Angler discusses some of the darker times in American politics the passages speaking about the justice department and its defiance of the Vice-Presidents Offices over warrantless wire taps were downright inspiring.

"Angler" paints a portrayal of the most dangerous vice president in US history, based on dozens of interviews and extensive documentary research. Gellman is fair in attributing to Cheney mostly honest motives, a deep belief in what he espoused and did, and honesty in not hiding his views, but shows in devastating detail the catastrophic consequences that come from excessive secrecy, partisanship, and faith-based policy making. It will take the US at least a generation to recover from the disastrous decisions of the Bush-Cheney regime, many of them snuck by a hands-off president ("I don't do nuance") by an ideologically driven, egotistical, and secretive vice president.

If you want to understand why and how the Bush administration functioned you must read this well written and authoritative book. It's the best I've read and I've read many.

Easy to read with emphasis on Cheneys' dictatorial agenda. Also shows the
importance of the legal input he gets. Particular attention by he and his
cronies to negate any trace of proof or fingerprints.

Thank you Barton Gellman for an inside look at the Vice Presidency as practised by Richard Cheney. Gellman gives a deep look inside how Cheney pulls strings to influence the actions of the United States government and particularly how he influences the decisions of President Bush. Cheney is a puppet master and the Congress and the President are his puppets. This is a frightening look at how one man has recrafted the United States Constitution and taken control of the government. I would call Dick Cheney's actions a bloodless coup and the president did not even notice his loss of control and loss of power.

Angler is a good code name for Dick Cheney, he seeks all the angles to get his way. Cheney appears like a spoiled child who must have his way no matter the Constitution, the people or president Bush. Cheney's argument that his office is not part of the Executive Branch or the Legislative Branch but is its own separate branch is ludicrous, but is taken seriously by the media. Cheney's dismmisive "So!" comment shows his disdain for the American public. Thank you Barton Gellman for showing the truth about this man. I hope that your book is taken seriously and that Dick Cheney is prosecuted for his war crimes.

As is evident from the other reviews here on Amazon, this book provides a history of Vice President Cheney's vice presidency into the start of 2008. Gellman has excellent sources, and was therefore able to get impressive detail of some events not previously told - - most notably the Alberto Gonzalez hospital bed confrontation over domestic surveillance.

The overarching theme of the book is that Cheney was too clever by half. He was too uncompromising, or "principled," early on, and smart enough to get what he wanted much of the time. As a result, Cheney created a backlash against himself. By 2008, he was worse off than he would have been had he been more compromising early on. That theme emerges only gradually, however, and I would have liked to see it presented more forcefully throughout the book.

The first part of the book, in which Cheney uses his knowledge of how bureaucracies work, is the most interesting and important. Gellman documents how a talented player can get his way, and how Cheney kept important decisions away from President Bush without Bush's knowledge. This part of the book should be required reading for presidents and other high officials - - how do you make sure that you're getting the information that you want? Bush clearly failed this task until about 2006 or so.

I found the middle part a bit uneven, with some stories focused on minor details instead of the bigger picture. Fortunately, the narrative picks up again as the backlash against Cheney begins to trim his sails.

Overall, this is an impressive "first draft of history," as some people call journalism. A little more time to reflect, and to strengthen the overall arch of the story, would have served Gellman well. But who am I to complain? He won the Pulitzer Prize for this book, after all.

Dick Chaney, perhaps the most powerful man ever to hold the office of Vice President, began as President Bush's personal shield, confidant, mentor and ideological soul mate. However, this tidy arrangement, predictably, was to go horribly awry. As this timely book reports, Cheney's experience as a master wheeler-dealer of behind the scene backroom bureaucratic negotiations and Machiavellian manipulations, proved overtime to be more a liability than an asset to the Bush Presidency and appears especially likely to leave an indelible if not a very ugly stain on the 43rd president's legacy.

The book, well written and skilfully organized, began as a series of Washington Post Articles. It gives a careful account of Cheney's rise to power, and then captures in almost overly melodramatic terms the best and the worst of Cheney's role as VP: Undoubtedly the best of times was during the early days of the Bush's presidency when Cheney's role throughout the first campaign was heavily relied upon and was then both respectful and circumscribed; a time in which Bush relied on Cheney's political instincts as well as his policy advice. The crescendo of the book is when the worse came: toward the end of the Bush Presidency, in a series of vice presidential missteps best exemplified in the "shootout" at justice over the wireless wire taps, in which Cheney all but arrogated Presidential power unto himself, keeping the President in the dark and "single-handedly" precipitating a revolt by Justice Department lawyers.

The upshot of the book is that Cheney, remains a truly scary figure in the annals of American Presidential history, not just because of his Svengali like influence over our "not too bright President," but also because he was in his own right a devious spin-miester and die-heart ideologue who lacked no compunction are moral restraints about end-running the President, and then manufacturing "after-the-fact" rationalizations and justifications to cover his machinations and to cover-up even the most excessive and improper of his actions - such as his hidden hand in the Valery Plame incident. His utter lack of sensitivity to the meaning of the Constitution and the notion of a balance of powers among co-equal branches of the government is so aberrant as to border on being treasonous.

In the run up to the 2008 election, where questions about the current VP selections has caused the U.S. electorate to collectively hold its breathe, the Dick Cheney experience is a cautionary tale about the possible harm a weak selection of a VP can have in undermining the political process and American political institutions. Bart Gellman, in not taking sides, or completely "throwing Dick Cheney under the bus," when it would have been so easy to do so, has done this nation proud. Five Stars.

As a reader with advanced degrees in Political Science and Public Policy, and 20 years of employment in senior government service, this is the best expose with the required restraint and research that I have read in 30 years. A MASTERPIECE.

It may be the plethora of books about Cheney and the Bush administration in recent years that puts this book in the shadows, but author Barton Gellman at least has offered a good look at what the Cheney years have meant to the United States. That those years continue to this day, is left out in the analysis.

Gellman gives a decent picture of Cheney, but nothing much new emerges in his assessment which the avid reader doesn't already know. Cheney, true to form, is genuinely concerned about the American people after 9/11. It all goes downhill from there. One comes to understand Gellman's description of Cheney's determination and, indeed, the author's own description of the chapter entitled "U-turn on Constitution Avenue" is one of his best. But the final few pages in which Gellman mawkishly spews Cheney out as a feeling guy...well, that's too much to take.

"Angler" has some points but there are better books on this subject out there.

For those of us who have been frightened by the proximity of Cheney to the US Presidency, this book validates our concerns and shows us how Cheney used his terms as VP to fulfill much of his agenda.

I believe that this man will be remembered as one of the most powerful and damaging VPs in US history, and this book reveals it all.

For those of us who have been frightened by the proximity of Cheney to the US Presidency, this book validates our fears and shows us why this man may be the most dangerous person to have participated in the governing of America.

"Angler" is the code-name used by the Secret Service to refer to V.P. Cheney. "Angler" the book tells the story of V.P. Cheney's role in the Bush administration - from his selection as candidate, his initial moves before even taking office, to his ability to influence decision-making throughout the Bush term, and does this in a calm, credible manner.

Selecting a Running Mate: Bush asked Cheney early on, and was turned down. This, per Gellman, only increased Cheney's appeal. Bush II had witnessed tensions between his father's White House staff and those looking out for Dan Quayle's future; Cheney, in addition, had told him about problems between Nixon-Ford, and Ford-Rockefeller. Bush did not interview a single candidate before settling on Cheney. Further, Cheney negotiated his expanded role at the beginning - "I want to be a real partner in helping you reach decisions."

Cheney's Role in Staffing Positions: Cheney's commanding role on major appointments was without precedent. He recruited candidates, pre-interviewed them, and escorted them for Bush's approval in Austin. For State, Bush already set his sights on Colin Powell, and Linda Chavez for Labor (she withdrew after a nanny-scandal). Cheney brought in Rumsfeld, Whitman (EPA), and O'Neill (Treasury).

Cheney did not stop at the cabinet - 2nd and 3rd ranking officials (eg. Hadley, Bolton) could be vital allies. In policy fields he cared about Cheney placed people even deeper in the bureaucracy. The list did not include most of the Friends of George from the Republican Governor's Association.

"Scooter" Libby was made national security advisor, chief of the V.P. staff, and assistant to the president.

Cheney Gets Personally Involved: Early on (12/03/00), Cheney got his imprint in on the economy by suggesting a recession looked likely - setting the stage to blame Clinton and cut taxes. Cheney also attended almost all NSC meetings and briefed Bush afterwards (Rice did also - separately.) Cheney joined the regular Wednesday lunch of the president's economic team (secretaries of labor, commerce, and treasury, also the budget director), and the National Economic Council, the weekly Senate Republican caucus (LBJ was the last V.P. that tried - he was blocked by the Senators; Cheney pointed out that he was President of the Senate).

Also, the White House created a panel called the Budget Review Board, with Cheney as chair. Overseeing the budget was exactly the find of serious, boring work that Bush disliked, and Cheney thrived in the vacuum. Conflicts with OMB went to the Board, and no one appealed further to Bush.

Cheney also usually sent a staff member to Norquist's Wednesday anti-tax luncheons. Cheney had abandoned Milton Friedman's "no free lunch" maxim for Laffer's supply-side economics - despite serious objection from his long-time friends Paul O'Neil and Alan Greenspan.

Unlike most of his rivals and even the president, Cheney knew what he wanted. One of his first assignments to staff was a fast-track review of Clinton's departing executive orders, accompanied by an order to stop associated operations at the Government Printing Office. (Cheney knew that regulations have no force until printed in the Federal Register). He also got Bush to freeze hiring for everyone whose paperwork wasn't complete.

Cheney then finagled an office on the House side - close to the action on tax-writing. Greenspan began weekly visits to the White House - mostly to see Cheney. One important result was taking Greenspan out of 100% opposition to the Bush tax cuts.

Cheney worked With Andy Card to undermine Sen. Chafee's opposition to the bush tax cut, and convinced Bush to stand firm against Jefford's threat to bolt the party is not given additional Special Education funds. (Cheney reasoned that the R's had already de facto lost control, and did not want to reward threats.)

The Energy Task Force: Cheney asked for chairmanship of the task force on energy. Prior to starting, he directed an assistant to devise a structure that would leave the task force beyond reach of the Federal Advisory Commission Act (Hillary's undoing). This was achieved by limiting "membership" limited to employees of the executive branch. When challenged, Cheney convinced Bush to fight disclosure, contrary to most other advisers; his aim was to set a precedent and gain power.

Environmental groups were limited to a single meeting, and used up half the time making introductions; regardless, Cheney did not attend. An early goal became to walk Bush back from support for reducing CO2; Cheney was aided by four R Senators' requesting clarification from Bush. EPA Secretary Whitman sensed a problem, scheduled a meeting with Bush, but was beat by Cheney's presenting a proposed response to the Senators.

How did he do it - his energy task force portrayed the scientific debate as complex, and unresolved. Bush hated wading into that sort of situation and usually told experts to come back when they had hammered out their facts. Cheney also called for smarter policy and technology to avoid the choice between less energy and greater pollution.

Cheney sat in on the president's daily briefings - AFTER receiving the briefing himself earlier in the A.M. Thus prepared, he was able to shape the president's briefing as well as make comments of his own.

Following these paths gave Cheney awareness and involvement in much of went on in the White House early on. From here on he was in an ideal position to play a leading role, detailed in an interesting and credible manner by "Angler," in the Bush administration. This included not just influencing decisions but also ensuring they were carried out - eg. "defanging" new source EPA rules for coal-fired power plants. Still another source of Cheney's strength was his long-term relationships with numerous members of Congress, which he sometimes strained with slanted and stretched versions of reality (eg. describing Iraq's dangerousness to Rep. Armey to convince him to support war).

Bottom Line: "Angler" shows V.P. Cheney did not acquire his power and influence by accident - it was built through his experience and learning in prior decades at the top levels of government. Clearly he has transformed the nature of the office, and was aided in doing so by an uninvolved, incurious president who was also a poor manager (eg. failure to follow-up directive to Rumsfeld to begin Guantanamo trials, to back up Rice vs. Rumsfeld; to quickly realize "Brownie" was incompetent - Cheney did).

On the other hand, Cheney's ignoring warnings pre-9/11 (along with Bush), sometimes duplicity, and lack of pragmatism in favor of erroneous policies (eg. resisting information requests, even from the 9/11 Commission; almost marching the administration over the cliff regarding reauthorization for internal eavesdropping; lack of sensitivity to growing opposition to the Iraq War) are serious, irredeemable flaws.

Finally, to be fair, it should also be pointed out that Cheney was scrupulous in avoiding possible personal gain from his actions (eg. the Energy Task Force).

Prior to 2002 I used to have a great deal of respect for Dick Cheney. He did a great job of running the 1991 war with Iraq. His 2001 energy plan was well researched and professional even thought some people (including myself) felt it should have been more oriented to renewable energy.

However, since September 11, 2001 Dick Cheney has strongly promoted some totally disastrous policies such as the decision to go to war with Iraq.

This book contains some truly stunning accusations. It suggests that Cheney's role in picking himself as Bush's running mate when he was in charge of finding a running mate for Bush in 2000 had serious ethical breaches. There is a suggestion that Cheney was less than candid about his health problems.

The author suggests that Cheney knowingly lied to Dick Armey (House Majority Leader) about intelligence concerning the (nonexistent) relationship between 9/11 terrorists and Saddam Hussein.

There is more disturbing material concerning Cheney's alleged role in encouraging the use of torture against terrorism suspects and the use of domestic wiretapping.

It is interesting that Gelman knocks down one of the most popular accusations against Cheney, the notion that he wanted to use his office for private financial gain or the benefit of the oil industry or his previous employer, Halliburton. In a recent interview with Harper's magazine, Gellman states, "There's no venality here. Cheney was not trying to aggrandize himself, to steer money to friends, or to set himself up for higher office. He simply believed that the stakes were high and he was more capable than others. He saw the world, he believed, as it truly is and was prepared to do the "unpleasant" things that had to be done to safeguard us. Cheney is a rare combination: a zealot in principle and a subtle, skillful tactician in practice."

I can't vouch for the accuracy of all that's in this book. It may be true. It may not be - although the reporter is a very professional journalist.

What I can say is that this is a serious book that should be read and considered by American citizens. This is a book that should be read and debated by Amazon readers.

This whole situation is very depressing story about a talented man who did a lot of good in the past but went in a truly disastrous direction since 9/11/2001.

"Angler" is the code-name used by the Secret Service to refer to V.P. Cheney. "Angler" the book tells the story of V.P. Cheney's role in the Bush administration - from his selection as candidate, his initial moves before even taking office, to his ability to influence decision-making throughout the Bush term, and does this in a calm, credible manner.

Selecting a Running Mate: Bush asked Cheney early on, and was turned down. This, per Gellman, only increased Cheney's appeal. Bush II had witnessed tensions between his father's White House staff and those looking out for Dan Quayle's future; Cheney, in addition, had told him about problems between Nixon-Ford, and Ford-Rockefeller. Bush did not interview a single candidate before settling on Cheney. Further, Cheney negotiated his expanded role at the beginning - "I want to be a real partner in helping you reach decisions."

Cheney's Role in Staffing Positions: Cheney's commanding role on major appointments was without precedent. He recruited candidates, pre-interviewed them, and escorted them for Bush's approval in Austin. For State, Bush already set his sights on Colin Powell, and Linda Chavez for Labor (she withdrew after a nanny-scandal). Cheney brought in Rumsfeld, Whitman (EPA), and O'Neill (Treasury).

Cheney did not stop at the cabinet - 2nd and 3rd ranking officials (eg. Hadley, Bolton) could be vital allies. In policy fields he cared about Cheney placed people even deeper in the bureaucracy. The list did not include most of the Friends of George from the Republican Governor's Association.

"Scooter" Libby was made national security advisor, chief of the V.P. staff, and assistant to the president.

Cheney Gets Personally Involved: Early on (12/03/00), Cheney got his imprint in on the economy by suggesting a recession looked likely - setting the stage to blame Clinton and cut taxes. Cheney also attended almost all NSC meetings and briefed Bush afterwards (Rice did also - separately.) Cheney joined the regular Wednesday lunch of the president's economic team (secretaries of labor, commerce, and treasury, also the budget director), and the National Economic Council, the weekly Senate Republican caucus (LBJ was the last V.P. that tried - he was blocked by the Senators; Cheney pointed out that he was President of the Senate).

Unlike most of his rivals and even the president, Cheney knew what he wanted. One of his first assignments to staff was a fast-track review of Clinton's departing executive orders, accompanied by an order to stop associated operations at the Government Printing Office. (Cheney knew that regulations have no force until printed in the Federal Register). He also got Bush to freeze hiring for everyone whose paperwork wasn't complete.

Cheney then finagled an office on the House side - close to the action on tax-writing. Greenspan began weekly visits to the White House - mostly to see Cheney. One important result was taking Greenspan out of 100% opposition to the Bush tax cuts.

Cheney worked With Andy Card to undermine Sen. Chafee's opposition to the bush tax cut, and convinced Bush to stand firm against Jefford's threat to bolt the party is not given additional Special Education funds. (Cheney reasoned that the R's had already de facto lost control, and did not want to reward threats.)

The Energy Task Force: Cheney asked for chairmanship of the task force on energy. Prior to starting, he directed an assistant to devise a structure that would leave the task force beyond reach of the Federal Advisory Commission Act (Hillary's undoing). This was achieved by limiting "membership" limited to employees of the executive branch. When challenged, Cheney convinced Bush to fight disclosure, contrary to most other advisers; his aim was to set a precedent and gain power.

Environmental groups were limited to a single meeting, and used up half the time making introductions; regardless, Cheney did not attend. An early goal became to walk Bush back from support for reducing CO2; Cheney was aided by four R Senators' requesting clarification from Bush. EPA Secretary Whitman sensed a problem, scheduled a meeting with Bush, but was beat by Cheney's presenting a proposed response to the Senators.

How did he do it - his energy task force portrayed the scientific debate as complex, and unresolved. Bush hated wading into that sort of situation and usually told experts to come back when they had hammered out their facts. Cheney also called for smarter policy and technology to avoid the choice between less energy and greater pollution.

Cheney sat in on the president's daily briefings - AFTER receiving the briefing himself earlier in the A.M. Thus prepared, he was able to shape the president's briefing as well as make comments of his own.

Following these paths gave Cheney awareness and involvement in much of went on in the White House early on. From here on he was in an ideal position to play a leading role, detailed in an interesting and credible manner by "Angler," in the Bush administration. This included not just influencing decisions but also ensuring they were carried out - eg. "defanging" new source EPA rules for coal-fired power plants. Still another source of Cheney's strength was his long-term relationships with numerous members of Congress, which he sometimes strained with slanted and stretched versions of reality (eg. describing Iraq's dangerousness to Rep. Armey to convince him to support war).

Bottom Line: "Angler" shows V.P. Cheney did not acquire his power and influence by accident - it was built through his experience and learning in prior decades at the top levels of government. Clearly he has transformed the nature of the office, and was aided in doing so by an uninvolved and incurious president. On the other hand, his ignoring warnings pre-9/11 (along with Bush), sometimes duplicity, and constant avoidance of pragmatism in favor of erroneous policies are serious, irredeemable flaws. To be fair, however, it should also be recognized that Cheney was scrupulous in avoiding possible personal gain from his actions (eg. the Energy Task Force).

Prior to 2002 I used to have a great deal of respect for Dick Cheney. He did a great job of running the 1991 war with Iraq. His 2001 energy plan was well researched and professional even thought some people (including myself) felt it should have been more oriented to renewable energy.

However, since September 11, 2001 Dick Cheney has strongly promoted some totally disastrous policies such as the decision to go to war with Iraq.

This book contains some truly stunning accusations. It suggests that the decision of Cheney's role in picking himself as Bush's running mate when he was in charge of finding a running mate for Bush in 2000 had serious ethical breaches. There is a suggestion that Cheney was less than candid about his health problems.

The author suggests that Cheney knowingly lied to Dick Armey (House Majority Leader) about intelligence concerning the (nonexistent) relationship between 9/11 terrorists and Saddam Hussein.

There is more disturbing material concerning Cheney's alleged role in encouraging the use of torture against terrorism suspects.

I can't vouch for the accuracy of all that's in this book. It may be true. It may not be - although the reporter is a very professional journalist.

What I can say is that this is a serious book that should be read and considered by American citizens. This is a book that should be read and debated by Amazon readers.

This whole situation is very depressing story about a talented man who did a lot of good in the past but went in a truly disastrous direction since 9/11/2001.

"Angler" tells the story of V.P. Cheney's role in the Bush administration - from his selection as candidate, his initial moves before even taking office, to his ability to influence decision-making throughout the Bush term.

Selecting a Running Mate: Bush asked Cheney early on, and was turned down. This, per Gellman, only increased Cheney's appeal. Bush II had witnessed tensions between his father's White House staff and those looking out for Dan Quayle's future; Cheney, in addition, had told him about problems between Nixon-Ford, and Ford-Rockefeller. Bush did not interview a single candidate before settling on Cheney. Further, Cheney negotiated his expanded role at the beginning - "I want to be a real partner in helping you reach decisions."

Cheney's commanding role on major appointments was without precedent. He recruited candidates, pre-interviewed them, and escorted them for Bush's approval in Austin. For State, Bush already set his sights on Colin Powell, and Linda Chavez for Labor (she withdrew after a nanny-scandal). Cheney brought in Rumsfeld and O'Neill (Treasury).

Cheney did not stop at the cabinet - 2nd and 3rd ranking officials (eg. Hadley, Bolton) could be vital allies. In policy fields he cared about Cheney placed people even deeper in the bureaucracy. The list did not include most of the Friends of George from the Republican Governor's Association.

"Scooter" Libby was made national security advisor, chief of the V.P. staff, and assistant to the president.

Early on (12/03/00) got his imprint in on the economy by suggesting a recession looked likely - setting the stage to blame Clinton and cut taxes. Cheney also attended almost all NSC meetings and briefed Bush afterwards (Rice did also - separately.) Cheney joined the regular Wednesday lunch of the president's economic team (secretaries of labor, commerce, and treasury, also the budget director), and the National Economic Council, the weekly Senate Republican caucus (LBJ was the last V.P. that tried - he was blocked by the Senators; Cheney pointed out that he was President of the Senate).

Unlike most of his rivals and even the president, Cheney knew what he wanted. One of his first assignments to staff was a fast-track review of Clinton's departing executive orders, accompanied by an order to stop associated operations at the Government Printing Office. (Cheney knew that regulations have no force until printed in the Federal Register). He also got Bush to freeze hiring for everyone whose paperwork wasn't complete.

Cheney then finagled an office on the House side - close to the action on tax-writing. Greenspan began weekly visits to the White House - mostly to see Cheney. One important result was taking Greenspan out of 100% opposition to the Bush tax cuts.

Cheney then worked With Andy Card to undermine Sen. Chafee's opposition to the bush tax cut, and convinced Bush to stand firm against Jefford's threat to bolt the party is not given additional Special Education funds. (Cheney reasoned that the R's had already de facto lost control, and did not want to reward threats.)

Cheney then asked for chairmanship of the task force on energy. An early goal became to walk Bush back from support for reducing CO2; Cheney was aided by four R Senators' requesting clarification from Bush. Environment Secretary Whitman sensed a problem, scheduled a meeting with Bush, but was beat by Cheney's presenting a proposed response to the Senators.

At this early point Cheney had awareness and involvement in much of went on in the White House. From this point on he was in an ideal position to play a leading role, detailed in an interesting and credible manner by "Angler," in the Bush administration.

"Angler" tells the story of V.P. Cheney's role in the Bush administration - from his selection as candidate, his initial moves before even taking office, to his ability to influence decision-making throughout the Bush term.

Selecting a Running Mate: Bush asked Cheney early on, and was turned down. This, per Gellman, only increased Cheney's appeal. Bush II had witnessed tensions between his father's White House staff and those looking out for Dan Quayle's future; Cheney, in addition, had told him about problems between Nixon-Ford, and Ford-Rockefeller. Bush did not interview a single candidate before settling on Cheney. Further, Cheney negotiated his expanded role at the beginning - "I want to be a real partner in helping you reach decisions."

Cheney's commanding role on major appointments was without precedent. He recruited candidates, pre-interviewed them, and escorted them for Bush's approval in Austin. For State, Bush already set his sights on Colin Powell, and Linda Chavez for Labor (she withdrew after a nanny-scandal). Cheney brought in Rumsfeld and O'Neill (Treasury).

Cheney did not stop at the cabinet - 2nd and 3rd ranking officials (eg. Hadley, Bolton) could be vital allies. In policy fields he cared about Cheney placed people even deeper in the bureaucracy. The list did not include most of the Friends of George from the Republican Governor's Association.

"Scooter" Libby was made national security advisor, chief of the V.P. staff, and assistant to the president.

Early on (12/03/00) got his imprint in on the economy by suggesting a recession looked likely - setting the stage to blame Clinton and cut taxes. Cheney also attended almost all NSC meetings and briefed Bush afterwards (Rice did also - separately.) Cheney joined the regular Wednesday lunch of the president's economic team (secretaries of labor, commerce, and treasury, also the budget director), and the National Economic Council, the weekly Senate Republican caucus (LBJ was the last V.P. that tried - he was blocked by the Senators; Cheney pointed out that he was President of the Senate).

Unlike most of his rivals and even the president, Cheney knew what he wanted. One of his first assignments to staff was a fast-track review of Clinton's departing executive orders, accompanied by an order to stop associated operations at the Government Printing Office. (Cheney knew that regulations have no force until printed in the Federal Register). He also got Bush to freeze hiring for everyone whose paperwork wasn't complete.

Cheney then finagled an office on the House side - close to the action on tax-writing. Greenspan began weekly visits to the White House - mostly to see Cheney. One important result was taking Greenspan out of 100% opposition to the Bush tax cuts.

Cheney then worked With Andy Card to undermine Sen. Chafee's opposition to the bush tax cut, and convinced Bush to stand firm against Jefford's threat to bolt the party is not given additional Special Education funds. (Cheney reasoned that the R's had already de facto lost control, and did not want to reward threats.)

Cheney then asked for chairmanship of the task force on energy. An early goal became to walk Bush back from support for reducing CO2; Cheney was aided by four R Senators' requesting clarification from Bush. Environment Secretary Whitman sensed a problem, scheduled a meeting with Bush, but was beat by Cheney's presenting a proposed response to the Senators.

And on it goes - in great and interesting detail, documenting the unprecedented role and power of V.P. Cheney.

Now we know exactly why President Gerald Ford said he believed Cheney to be "pugnacious" !

But it is worse than America thought, or the news media cared to illuminate. (I guess getting put in a back row of the press briefing room is a fate worse then death for the major news players. So they tow the line.)

I'm assuming Cheney is one of those humans who does not have a soul. Since a true human's spirit guides the soul, and the soul speaks through the conscience, Cheney must not have a soul. By this method of deductive reasoning, humankind can better see the dastardly reasoning of the atrocities committed by the "monsters" of human history.

The author conveys the point that Cheney saw in Bush, a kind of person easily led by persuasion. Cheney picked himself Vice President because he knew he could establish and follow-through on his own agenda without interference from a man of strong character.

Worth the money...........

Angler positions Cheney much as other books on the VP have done. He's a hard, driving force that won't allow people to get in his way. He also has an incredible ability to exert his influence and overcome foes. What's unique about this book is the level of detail Gellman delves into to back up this representation. It's quite an interesting look at Cheney's attacks on his adversaries and it's a timely book with the upcoming presidential election.

Another book on leadership (though my own and those I work with) that I devoured this week and got a lot out of was Squawk!: How to Stop Making Noise and Start Getting Results